Commending Democracy in Africa: Are Peoples Preparing for Direct Action?
Events in October in Tanzania offer a glimpse into some of the tensions shaping an exhausting year for African politics.
Protesters were killed by police fire during protests against what they saw as fraudulent electoral procedures—which were condemned by regional and continental bodies—weakening the country’s good reputation for peace and stability.
Although opposition candidates were either imprisoned or barred from running, President Samia Suluhu Hassan won with 98% of the vote.
Any steps toward transforming Tanzania into a more open democracy are considered to have been curtailed upon appearance.
What happened there may confirm a broader failure in many African countries regarding the connection between the people and the administration of affairs.
Several countries witnessed protests and clashes over elections in 2025, while military leaders entrenched their power in other nations, with analysts believing that the coming year will bring even greater changes.
“Looking globally across the continent, the trend is concerning,” said Mo Ibrahim, whose foundation analyzes data to measure the state of African governance.
His foundation’s latest report shows that progress in the governance index—which includes security, participation in decision-making, and the level of health and educational services—has stopped advancing compared to the decade ending in 2022.
“The increase in coups [in recent years], the return of military governments, and the shrinking of democratic space all point to the same problem: governance failure.”
The rising cost of living formed the spark that ignited the fire of frustration in many countries. This phenomenon was not unique to the continent; but as Ibrahim told the main website of the United News Network – UNN, “The danger in Africa is that these negative patterns may extend unchecked, potentially reversing the serious progress achieved over the past few decades.”
For those who believe that democracy is the best way to translate the people’s demands, there were some positive events in 2025 with peaceful transfers of power and free and fair elections.
In Malawi, the country’s former president, Peter Mutharika, assumed the presidency again after a period in the opposition.
The United Seychelles front—the long-term ruling party—returned to power five years after losing it.
Both predecessors lost their positions due to charges of failing to respond to the effects of inflation.
These results followed a series of failures for ruling parties in 2024.
In South Africa, the African National Congress (ANC) lost its absolute majority for the first time since 1994 and became part of a power-sharing government with its main opposition.
In Senegal, a combination of street protests and court authorities prevented what appeared to be attempts by the president to extend his term, and a relatively marginal figure was elected president after the main opposition leader was barred.
However, analysts point to shifts elsewhere as evidence that democracy on the continent is under threat.
There may be no region more challenging for civilian governments than the Sahel in West Africa, which brings together military leaderships.
Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso broke away from their regional ally, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), to create a new alliance of governments that rushed to power through coups.
For where democracy still exists, analysts point to demographic composition as a type of tension.
Africa is the continent with the world’s youngest population, yet it has the world’s oldest leaderships in terms of age. According to the United Nations, the median age in Cameroon is about 18 years. Nevertheless, this year saw the consolidation of power in the hands of Paul Biya—the world’s oldest person in a presidential post.
The 92-year-old, who has held office for 43 years, was sworn in for an eighth term, which could last until he is nearly 100 years old.
This followed a tangled round of elections in October, which authorities deny.
The response by security forces was not as lethal as in Tanzania, but, as was the case there, street anger over the result turned into days of protests—the latest evidence that a young population is ready to shout publicly to challenge Cameroon’s long-standing leadership.
The protests in Tanzania and Cameroon did not lead to change. But for those considering direct action elsewhere, there were lessons in 2025 about how protests can succeed in effecting change.
In September, Madagascar was on the verge of weeks of youth-led protests against service delivery, forcing Prime Minister Andry Rajoelina to dismiss his entire government.
But that was not enough to maintain his leadership. Protests continued, and in October, Rajoelina was ousted in a coup. Former officer Michel Randrianirina became interim president.
While military measures represent an obstacle to democracy, they can be a reminder to civilian leaders that they must listen to the demands of voters.
Many analysts believe that protests may be a growing feature in African politics.
“We see a lot of protests,” said Nerima Wako, executive director of Siasa Place, a Kenyan organization working to help youth participate in politics. “It’s not the ideal way for change, but often it’s the only possible way. Means like diplomacy, petitions, SMS messages to MPs, email. You know these are the systems that should be used. When they don’t work, all that’s left is protest.”
“We see a knot in the social contract,” she emphasized. “All across it, young Africans are demanding access to health, water, and opportunities. They are asking for the right things, these are the things governments are supposed to provide, but the danger is that governments wait and do not move fast enough.”
In Cameroon, opposition leader Maurice Kamto called on supporters to demonstrate after the presidential elections there.
For Adem Abebe, a former advisor to the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, this public discontent is the main pivot.
“The sense of satisfaction is going down,” he said. “People are unhappy with what they are getting; there is a growing sense of anger regarding the weakness of political freedoms and the continued lack of service delivery.”
But the analyst also points to the role of politics outside the continent—where many European governments are focusing on other crises.
He says geopolitics has given African governments a greater opportunity for how they take steps toward dictatorial rule.
The United States, which was considered influential in its use of power and influence to support democracy, has now become more aligned with a mutually beneficial relationship under President Donald Trump.
“In the past, Europe and the West mandated that democratic systems be the price for their establishment in Africa,” Adem said.
He suggests that “democratic partners” are retreating and African governments are exploiting this, saying they have other options like China or Russia, and have the opportunity to achieve their goals without fear of criticism from global partners.
But regardless of what is driving the change, there is little doubt that Africa’s governance faces an uncertain future.
The end of 2025 witnessed another coup, in the West African nation of Guinea-Bissau, bringing the total to eight countries on the continent ruled by the military.
There was also an attempted coup in Benin that sparked a swift response from ECOWAS, showing a will that was missing in the group’s responses to several recent successful coups. This response might lead to a more intense defense of democracy in West Africa.
The early days of January will bring elections in Uganda—which has been ruled for 40 years by 81-year-old President Yoweri Museveni. Elections there have typically been seasoned with complaints of fraud and violence.
For Mo Ibrahim, the fundamental question now is how governments address what they hear from the continent’s youth.
“Youth culture has become the demographic majority in Africa,” he says. “This must be expressed in democratic practice. If we listen to them, and if we invest, and if we respect their rights and look into their expectations, then the coming years could be defined as a true turning point for the continent.”
“We are in a crisis,” says Wako. “Look around Africa, there are many governments that are building a response slowly. Now we have a new relationship between the people and power. Governments that understand this quickly will be the ones that win.”
United News Network – UNN Arabic
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